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Response to the Allegations Leveled Against the EPDP in the

Latest Report of the Human Rights Watch 

 

March 20, 2008

 

Mr. Brad Adams                                                                                            

Director, Asia Division

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.

Suite 500

Washington, DC 20009

USA

 

Dear Mr. Brad Adams,

 

Response to the Allegations Leveled Against the EPDP in the

Latest Report of the Human Rights Watch

 

We annex hereto our response to the allegations levelled against our party, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) in the recent report of the Human Rights Watch dated March 2008 titled “Recurring Nightmare - State Responsibility for “Disappearances” and Abductions in Sri Lanka”

 

Sincerely,

 

Signd.

A. Rasamanickam

Administrative Secretary,

Eelam People’s Democratic Party, (EPDP)

 

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

Response to the Allegations Leveled Against the EPDP in the

Latest Report of the Human Rights Watch 

 

We are perturbed by the recent report of the Human Rights Watch titled “Recurring Nightmare - State Responsibility for “Disappearances” and Abductions in Sri Lanka” which has inter-alia cast aspersion against our party, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP).

 

It is our contention that the section of the report under the subtitle Eelam People’s Democratic Party is biased, written with malicious intention and with an ulterior motive of causing defame to the party, EPDP and its leader Mr. Douglas Devananda.

 

We give below our reasoning for arriving at such conclusions.

 

Your main allegations against the EPDP are,

­

(1)   Individual members (of EPDP) did continue to maintain weapons.

 

(2)   Continuing operation of armed EPDP cadres in the islands off the Jaffna peninsula.

 

(3)   The involvement of EPDP armed cadres alongside Sri Lanka navy personnel in the killings of 18 civilians on northern Kayts Island on May 13-14, 2006.

 

(4)   May 2006 attack on the office of the pro-LTTE newspaper, Uthayan.

 

(5)   In at least two “disappearance” cases, the families strongly believed that the perpetrators were members of the EPDP.

 

(6)   A number of other witnesses also referred to EPDP “camps” in Jaffna as places where they went to search for their missing relatives.

 

(7)   A number of witnesses told Human Rights Watch that they approached EPDP offices while searching for their “disappeared” relatives and tried to inquire within EPDP camps.

 

(8)   A relative of Sivasothy Sivaramanan, a man who “disappeared” after he had been taken away by a group of armed men, some of whom spoke Sinhala and some spoke Tamil, said that he met with Douglas Devananda three times. Each time, the EPDP leader promised to find his son, yet the young man remains missing to date.  

 

 

Your accusations are based mainly on the following:

 

(a)    Statement by the Co-chairs (note 140),

(b)   A report in Hindu by V.S Sambandan (note140)

(c)    Report of the Special Rapporteur - Philip Alston (note 144),

(d)   Report of Amnesty International (note 145)

(e)    Reports of UTHR (notes 143, 145 & 146) & D.B.S. Jeyaraj (note145), and

(f)     Your own documentation based on interviews and reports by credible local human rights groups.

 

Let us look at your allegations one by one and see whether there is any justification in leveling such allegations.  

 

1.         Individual members (of EPDP) did continue to maintain weapons.

 

You have cited the report of the Co-chairs and an article in Hindu to authenticate your findings.

 

According to your report the Co-chairs in their statement dated May 30, 2006 has reported that the government of Sri Lanka “has failed to prevent attacks of armed groups, including Karuna and violent elements of EPDP.”

 

You have further stated that the “Hindu” reported on February 23, 2006 that “the LTTE has repeatedly criticized the government for what it claims is its failure to disarm paramilitary groups, including the EPDP, as a major violation of the CFA.”

 

The best institution to verify the correctness of this fact is the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM). The SLMM in its report covering the period 24 February to 28 May 2006 has in no uncertain terms stated,  SLMM has not been able to confirm the LTTE allegations that armed groups opposed to LTTE are operating in Jaffna nor the presence of an active Muslim armed group” (See note1)

           

Rather than reporting the contents of a news paper (Hindu), which refers to a statement made by LTTE as an authentication to your finding, it would have been more plausible if you have tried to find out what the SLMM has stated in this regard and reported accordingly. The SLMM is mandated to monitor and report any violation of the CFA. If, the EPDP members are found carrying weapon it is a violation of the CFA.

 

2.         2.         Continuing operation of armed EPDP cadres in the islands off the Jaffna peninsula.

 

You have cited this statement from the report of the UN Special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston, after a mission to Sri Lanka in late 2005.

 

You have reported only a section of the relevant paragraph from the said report. If you have reported the relevant paragraph in its entirety, it would have given a different meaning to the reader.

 

The paragraph inter-alia states, “thus, reflexive references to “paramilitaries” rather than “political parties” dangerously distort the facts. As long as these groups continue to be targeted, they will require protection from the military, which is facilitated by locating their residences and political offices near military posts. This protection unavoidably results in the appearance of cooperation with the military. (See note 2) 

 

3.        3.            The involvement of EPDP armed cadres alongside Sri Lanka navy personnel in the killings

                          of 18 civilians on northern Kayts Island on May 13-14, 2006.

You have cited the report of the Amnesty International (AI) dated May 16, 2006, reports of UTHR and D.B.S Jeyaraj to substantiate this statement.

In this instance too you have failed to report what exactly the AI has reported. Moreover, while you reported what AI had stated immediately after the incident on May 16, 2006, you have failed to report what the AI has stated in the subsequent report in this regard. AI in its subsequent report (Report 2007) has stated as follows.

The navy denied responsibility for a spate of incidents in May. Details remained unclear but the incidents resulted in casualties and deaths on Kayts Island off the Jaffna Peninsula, which included the deaths of 13 Tamil civilians, among them a four-month-old baby and a four-year-old boy”.

The AI has not mentioned anything about the EPDP in its subsequent report. (See note 3).

Further, the SLMM, whose report is more authentic in these regard has not mentioned anything about the involvement of EPDP members in this incident in its report covering the period 24 February to 28 May 2006. (See note 3)

If you have reported the relevant paragraph of the said AI report in its entirety and the subsequent report of the AI along with what the SLMM has stated in this regard, it would have given a different perception to a reader.

With regard to your citation of the reports of the UTHR and D.B.S. Jeyaraj, we have given extensive analyses in the paragraphs below.

 

4.              May 2006 attack on the office of the pro-LTTE newspaper, Uthayan.

 

You have given reference to “credible local human rights groups” to substantiate this allegation. In the corroborative note No. 146 reference is given to the reports of UTHR and of D.B.S Jeyaraj, thus implying that the “credible local human rights groups” referred in the body of the report are UTHR and D.B.S. Jeyaraj.

Our finding is that the authors of UTHR and D.B.S Jeyaraj are not living in Jaffna or in any part of Sri Lanka, but about 15,000 kilo meters away from Sri Lanka in USA and Canada respectively. How can they be termed, as “credible local human rights groups” is a puzzle we are trying to resolve.

We have cited an example in note 4 as to the credibility of the reports of UTHR and D.B.S. Jeyaraj. In this example we have demonstrated clearly as to how the said local human rights groups have reported different findings at different times with regard to the murder of Mr. P. Sooriyamoorthy, former Urban Council Chairman of Trincomalee.

 

The contradictions and fabrications found in these reports are:

 

(i)         Implied the LTTE as the killer in the UTHR report of 21st July, 2005

(ii)       Implied the EPDP as the killer in the UTHR report of 1st April, 2006

(iii)     Cited in the UTHR report of 13th December 2006 that D.B.S. Jeyaraj also expressed similar  view (EPDP as the killer) in the Tamil Week.

(iv)      Whereas we have found that D. B. S. Jeyaraj in the Tamil Week has stated that the killer was LTTE.

(v)                Stated in the UTHR report of 13th December 2006 that Mr. P. Sooroyamoorthy was talking to people while in hospital; but according to Mr. V. Anandasangari he was in coma stage in the hospital and did not speak with anybody.

 

We may presume that this local human rights groups by referring late Mr. P. Sooriyamoorthy as Mayor of Trincomalee, have made a technical error since they are living in far off country without knowing the ground situation, but how can we accept that Mr. P. Sooriyamoorthy spoke with Mr. V. Anandasangari, while he was in a coma stage in the hospital. (see note 4 for full detail).

 

The above example stands testimony to the credibility of the reports of the local human rights groups UTHR and D.B.S. Jeyaraj. There is an axiom in Tamil “One grain of boiling rice is a sample of the whole pot”.

 

5.         In at least two “disappearance” cases, the families strongly believed that the

            perpetrators were members of the EPDP.

 

Although reference is given to two “disappearance” cases, the detail with regard to only one disappearance is given in the report; that of Thiyagaraja Saran.

From what you have reported, it appears that your believe that the perpetrators were members of the EPDP is arrived at from what you have heard from the family members that, some of them spoke Sinhala, and some were native Tamil speakers and that part of the group left in the direction of the Puttur army camp, while others moved in the direction of the Achchuveli EPDP camp.

It is astonishing to note that you have made a serious allegation on a political party that has continuous representation of the people of Jaffna for over a decade simply on the grounds that some of the perpetrators spoke in Tamil and went in the direction of EPDP Achchuveli office.

 

Will any court of law in the world accept this even as a prima facie evidence to make such serious allegation? 

 

EPDPers are not the only people who speak Tamil in Jaffna; people of Jaffna do not speak Spanish or Italian, all of them speak Tamil. The road from Puttur to Atchuvelli does not lead to EPDP office only; it extends up to Jaffna town (about 15 KM) with number of cross roads and by-lanes interconnecting. 

 

6.         6.        A number of other witnesses also referred to EPDP “camps” in Jaffna as places where they

                      went to search for their missing relatives.

 

7.         7.       A number of witnesses told Human Rights Watch that they approached EPDP offices while

                     searching for their “disappeared” relatives and tried to inquire within EPDP camps.

 

8.         8.       A relative of Sivasothy Sivaramanan, a man who “disappeared” after he had been taken away

                     by a group of armed men, some of whom spoke Sinhala and some spoke Tamil, said that he

                    met with Douglas Devananda three times. Each time, the EPDP leader promised to find his

                    son, yet the young man remains missing to date.

 

EPDP is a political party committed to serve the people and have political offices in all the districts of North and East provinces of Sri Lanka except Killinochchi and Mullaitivu. We have an office in Colombo and Puttalam. In Jaffna district alone we have twelve offices. Our leader Mr. Douglas Devananda is a Member of Parliament and Cabinet Minister.

 

People of all walks come to our offices daily seeking redress against number of issues. Most of the issues are related to Government Departments, Ministries, and Government Institutions etc.

We try to help them by speaking or writing to the head of the department, institution or the relevant ministry or minister. If necessary we take up the issues with the Cabinet of Ministers or the President.

 

If their issues remain unresolved they come to us repeatedly until they find redress to their issue.

 

In case of arrest of persons by the police or armed forces, the family members of the affected parties seek our assistance to secure the release of the person in custody.  We assist by contacting the officer responsible for the arrest, find out the cause for the arrest and help wherever possible, for the release of the person. In case of judicial custody we render legal aid. As because we render this service, it cannot be construed that we are responsible for the arrest or that the person arrested was in our custody.

 

As a responsible political party, representatives of the people and as a cabinet minister we render these services free of charge.

 

Families, whose kith and kin or relatives disappeared, missing or have been abducted is no exception to this. They too come to us seeking our help to speak to the government authorities, especially to the police and armed forces to find out whether they are in their custody and if so to secure their release.

 

The cases referred to above (No. 6 – 8) in your report are those who have sought our assistance to speak to the police and armed forces to find out whether the missing family member or relative are in their custody. It is astonishing to note that as because they have come to the office of the EPDP repeatedly seeking help, you are alleging that the EPDP is responsible or accountable for the disappearance.  

 

Conclusion

 

We are at a loss to understand that an esteemed organization like Human Rights Watch has made such irresponsible allegations against the EPDP without any substance and on hearsay. As we have clearly demonstrated in the preceding paragraphs, your report is partial and baseless. You have failed to verify your findings, particularly with regard to EPDP members carrying arms, with the SLMM, which is the body, authorized to monitor such ceasefire violations.

 

Further, out of ninety nine testimonies that were collected by the Human Rights Watch (out of which ninety three were from Northern Province), only in one case of one (that of Thiyagaraja Saran) you have found a trivial reference to EPDP which you have exaggerated and reported out of proportion. It is also shown in the top of the list (annexure 1) of testimonies documented. This shows the malicious intention of the report.

 

The leader of the EPDP and the members of the EPDP have a long history of sacrifices and have been living with the people in the North and East and striving to address the problems of the people. After the EPDP entered into the political main stream in 1987 with the signing of Indo Lanka Accord, it has been in the forefront of protecting the human rights of the people. It helped improve the human rights situation and restored normalcy by establishing mechanisms in the Tamil areas. Since we have been the only party remaining all along with the people in the North and East, people used to come to our offices, tell their woes and get their problems redressed. People are fully aware as to how the EPDP works and helps the people when they are in distress. It is due to these reasons, during the elections the people have proved that they are with us in spite of the LTTE threats and violence. It is no wonder the LTTE had to assemble the TNA to counter our popularity

 

We request you to kindly re-investigate your allegations and submit an addendum to the report based on your new findings.

 

If we all truly believe in protecting and promoting human rights of people in a war torn country, we should take extra caution while reporting the violations. We shall be thankful if HRW could verify with us, if and when it receives any allegations against our party.  Dialogue and discussion that allows us the right of defence should be principle of organizations that wish to take the moral high ground. 

 

--------------------------

 

Eelam People’s Democratic Party

 

March 19, 2008

 

Note 1

 

Report of the SLMM

 

This report is an assessment based on information collected by SLMM Monitors, including information on alleged and confirmed violations of the CFA and the Parties’ compliance to SLMM determinations with special attention to the defined period of       24th February – 28th May 2006.

 

Presence and activities of armed groups: SLMM has not been able to confirm the LTTE allegations that armed groups opposed to LTTE are operating in Jaffna nor the presence of an active Muslim armed group.

http://www.tamilnation.org/conflictresolution/tamileelam/norway/0606slmm.pdf

 (accessed March 15, 2008)

(Since the SLMM has closed its website we have cited the report from another site)

 

Note 2

 

Report of the Special Rapporteur, Philip Alston

E/CN.4/2006/53/Add.5,

 

Tamil political parties and “paramilitaries”

 

Representatives of these groups - notably, EPDP, EPRLF, and PLOTE - informed me that they had been disarmed and now function solely as political parties. Compliance has not been perfect, however. One example, confirmed by a government official, is the continuing operation of armed EPDP cadres in the islands off the Jaffna peninsula.

 

While that position is untenable, there is little evidence that most members of these groups do other than non-military, political work. Thus, reflexive references to “paramilitaries” rather than “political parties” dangerously distort the facts. As long as these groups continue to be targeted, they will require protection from the military, which is facilitated by locating their residences and political offices near military posts. This protection unavoidably results in the appearance of cooperation with the military, but this cannot be generally assumed.

http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G06/121/16/PDF/G0612116.pdf?OpenElement (accessed March 15, 2008)

 

Note 3

 

Amnesty International Report

 AI Index: ASA 37/014/2006 (Public),

News Service No: 125, 16 May 2006.

 

The LTTE has accused the Sri Lanka Navy of responsibility for the attacks on Kayts Island, a charge which the Navy has denied. However, Amnesty International has received credible reports that Sri Lanka Navy personnel and armed cadres affiliated with the Eelam People’s Democratic Party, a Tamil political party that is opposed to the LTTE, were present at the scene of the killings. The government in turn has suggested that the LTTE orchestrated the attack in order “to divert international opinion”.

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA37/014/2006/en/86965412-a2f8-11dc-8d74-6f45f39984e5/ asa 370142006 en.html (accessed  March 15, 2008)

 

Amnesty International Report 2007

  

Unlawful killings and impunity:  The navy denied responsibility for a spate of incidents in May. Details remained unclear but the incidents resulted in casualties and deaths on Kayts Island off the Jaffna Peninsula, which included the deaths of 13 Tamil civilians, among them a four-month-old baby and a four-year-old boy. The area is controlled by the navy.

 http://www.amnesty.org/en/region/asia-and-pacific/south-asia/sri-lanka (accessed March 15, 2008)

 

Report of the SLMM

 

This report is an assessment based on information collected by SLMM Monitors, including information on alleged and confirmed violations of the CFA and the Parties’ compliance to SLMM determinations with special attention to the defined period of       24th February – 28th May 2006.

 

In Jaffna more than 43 civilians were assassinated since the 10th of April in a virtual campaign of targeted killings.

In May two grave incidents demonstrated a new development where gunmen targeted groups of civilians instead of individuals.

SLMM has not been able to confirm the LTTE allegations that armed groups opposed to LTTE are operating in Jaffna nor the presence of an active Muslim armed group.

http://www.tamilnation.org/conflictresolution/tamileelam/norway/0606slmm.pdf

(accessed March 15, 2008)

(Since the SLMM has closed its website we have cited the report from another site)

 

Note 4

 

UTHR Information Bulletin No. 38 - Date of Release: 21st July 2005

 

The LTTE takes great pains to paint all its victims as paramilitaries of some sort. Take the case of Mr.P. Sooriyamoorthy, the highly respected former mayor of Trincomalee and father of five children, who contested the parliamentary elections in Jaffna in April 2004 on Mr. Anandasangary’s party list.

 http://www.uthr.org/bulletins/bul38.htm (accessed March 15, 2008)

 

UTHR Special Report No: 20 - Date of release: 1st April 2006

  

These internal sources also suspect the EPDP of killing Mr. P. Sooriyamoorthy, former mayor of Trincomalee on 17th May 2005. One is that the Police did not proceed with the investigation of a cell phone dropped by the killers, and also talk within that a cadre named Murali (subsequently killed by the LTTE in Alles Garden) did the job.

 http://www.uthr.org/SpecialReports/spreport20.htm (accessed March 15, 2008)

 

UTHR Supplement to Special Report No. 23, Date of Release: 13th December 2006

 

18th May: P. Sooriyamoorthy: We said in Bulletin No.38 that the former mayor of Trincomalee was killed by the LTTE. Publicity in the LTTE media to a statement by a fictitious group claiming that Sooriyamoorthy was killed because he was an LTTE spy meant that the LTTE was playing a joke or was hiding something. Doubts were expressed by the EPDP insider referred to, who pointed to talk in the EPDP suggesting that the late Murali of the EPDP may have been the killer. Similar doubts were expressed also by D.B.S. Jeyaraj in Tamil Week. Although Mr. Sooriyamoorthy was shot on 18th May, he was moved to Colombo Hospital and it was a week before he died. During this period he had been talking to people. Mr. V. Anandasangary, his closed friend both politically and personally, who was in touch with him and his family during this period, heard nothing to suggest otherwise and is in no doubt that the LTTE killed his friend. Our attempts to trace persons with material facts suggesting otherwise proved futile. Murali, we understand, was killed by the LTTE late last year. Since a doubt has been raised, we must grapple with it, though we are skeptical.

http://www.uthr.org/SpecialReports/spreport23suppl.htm (accessed March 15, 2008)

 

Tamil Week

By D.B.S. Jeyaraj, May 29th, 2005

 

The dastardly killing of former Trincomalee Urban Council chairman Periyappodi Sooriyamoorthy by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam is an unmistakable warning signal to Tamil United Liberation Front President Veerasingham Anandasangaree.

 http://anandasangary.com/?p=47 (accessed March 15, 2008)

 

Mr. V. Anandasangari

 

A group of people met Mr. V. Anandasangari in Toronto and asked who killed Mr. Sooriamoorthy and if he spoke to him when he was in the hospital. His reply was “Thamby! (younger brother), how can a person in a coma talk? Mr. Sooriamoorthy was in a coma until he died, it was the LTTE who killed Sooriyamoorthy.” 

 

 

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